By Joseph Andoni Massad
Colonial results analyzes the production and definition of contemporary Jordanian id. Massad stories key institutions-- the legislation and the military--and makes use of them to create an unique and special research of the advance of Jordanian nationwide id within the postcolonial period.Joseph A. Massad engages contemporary scholarly debates on nationalism and richly fulfills the analytical promise of Michel Foucault's perception that smooth associations and their strength to have efficient, now not basically repressive or coercive, capacities -- even though Massad additionally stresses their endured repressive function.His argument is complicated via a attention of facts, together with photos produced by means of nation vacationer organizations aimed toward attracting Western viewers, the altering and precarious place of girls within the newly built nationwide house, and such practices as football video games, tune, songs, nutrition, garments, and transferring accents and dialects.
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31 This, however, did not placate al-ÛAdwan and his supporters among the local intelligentsia. The government, not wanting to appear weak, arrested promi- Codifying the Nation 29 nent local intellectuals, including Al-Tall, and accused them of plotting to overthrow the government. 33 The common fate experienced by the ÛAdwanis and the intellectuals under the new state introduced a sense of native unity against outside usurpers and a unity of purpose aimed at giving native Transjordanians their legitimate rights of ruling themselves.
The new Transjordanian state faced a number of revolts in the first decade after its establishment, the more important of them being the al-ÛAdwan rebellion in 1923. Shaykh Sultan al-ÛAdwan was not only a tribal chief but also the ruler of much of the BalqaÚ region in northern Transjordan, which included other tribes such as Bani Hasan, Bani Hamidah, the DaÛjah, alBalqawiyyah, and al-ÛAjarmah. The arrival of ÛAbdullah and the close alliance he built with the Bani Sakhr tribe, considered as al-ÛAdwan’s traditional rivals, enraged Shaykh Sultan.
57 Note how the absence of a nationalized father is rendered equivalent to the absence of the father tout court. Paternity, it would seem, has to be a juridical category to have national agency. As in British law,58 in the absence of such a nationalized paternity, women and territory (birth) can become agents of nationality as substitute (albeit secondary) fathers. Whereas territory has to be supplemented with paternity, where the latter can be established as always already nationalized, territory can perform its function as a national agent independently in the father’s absence.