Neither Peace nor Freedom The Cultural Cold War in Latin by Patrick Iber

By Patrick Iber

During the chilly conflict, left-wing Latin American artists, writers, and students labored as diplomats, recommended rulers, adverse dictators, or even led countries. Their competing visions of social democracy and their pursuit of justice, peace, and freedom led them to corporations backed by means of the governments of the chilly struggle powers: the Soviet-backed global Peace Council, the U.S.-supported Congress for Cultural Freedom, and, after the 1959 Cuban Revolution, the homegrown Casa de las Américas.

Neither Peace nor Freedom delves into the entwined histories of those firms and the aspirations and dilemmas of intellectuals who participated in them, from Diego Rivera and Pablo Neruda to Gabriel García Márquez and Jorge Luis Borges. Patrick Iber corrects the view that such participants have been only pawns of the competing superpowers. hobbies for democracy and social justice sprung up between pro-Communist and anti-Communist factions, and Casa de las Américas promoted a model of innovative nationalism that used to be beholden to neither the Soviet Union nor the United States.

But finally, intellectuals from Latin the US couldn't break away from the chilly War’s inflexible binaries. With the Soviet Union tough fealty from Latin American communists, the U.S. zealously assisting their repression, and Fidel Castro pushing for nearby armed revolution, advocates of social democracy discovered little room to advertise their beliefs with no compromising them. chilly struggle politics had provided utopian desires, yet intellectuals might get neither the peace nor the liberty they sought.

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Neither Peace nor Freedom The Cultural Cold War in Latin America

In the course of the chilly conflict, left-wing Latin American artists, writers, and students labored as diplomats, urged rulers, hostile dictators, or even led countries. Their competing visions of social democracy and their pursuit of justice, peace, and freedom led them to organisations backed via the governments of the chilly struggle powers: the Soviet-backed global Peace Council, the U.

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S. victory in the Cold War, where it can serve either as a reminder of the mournfully high cost of a just victory or as evidence to support the argument that, as dreadful as the politics of the Soviet Union were, justice was not the point of the struggle at all. The historian John Coatsworth has calculated that between 1960 and 1990 anti-Communist Latin America was more repressive than the Soviet bloc when measured by the numbers of political prisoners, victims of torture, and executions of political dissenters.

S. S. imperialism there took a milder form that preserved a good measure of national sovereignty and allowed European states to construct stronger welfare institutions even than those of the United States. S. empire. Latin America, it has been argued, has frequently served as a kind of laboratory for the United States to experiment with forms of power that it later deployed elsewhere. When the United States defeated Spain in 1898, taking possession of Puerto Rico and the Philippines and de facto control of Cuba, it was a rising power but not yet a world empire.

News of other deaths arrived in the months that followed: Two Jewish trade unionists from Poland, Henryk Erlich and Victor Alter, were executed in the Soviet Union for advocating more democratic versions of socialism. Carlo Tresca, an Italian antifascist and anti-Communist, was gunned down in the streets of New York. Gorkin had received a letter from Tresca a few weeks before his death stating that he had been having a violent debate with the Italian Communist Vittorio Vidali, and Gorkin suspected that Vidali was responsible for the murder.

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